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Battle
of Pierre's Hole
The
Battle of Pierre’s Hole took place at the end of the Rendezvous
of 1832. The rendezvous
was just starting to break up, and fur brigades under different leaders
were heading out to locations chosen for their fall hunts.
A party of 40 some men under Milton
Sublette and Henry Fraeb had left rendezvous the previous day and made
about seven miles before encamping. On
the morning of August 26th as the men were raising camp a large
mounted party were seen approaching. No
alarm was immediately raised because this party was assumed to be the
American Fur Company supply train under Lucien
Fontenelle, who had failed to show up in time for rendezvous. As
the party came closer, they were seen to be Indians, and two men, Antoine
Godin and Baptiste Dorian were sent out to determine who they were.
As Godin and Dorian approached, a single chief rode out to meet
them. The Indians were
Blackfoot. Because they were
traveling with their women and children, the Blackfoot would have
preferred to have avoided trouble at this time, and the chief was signing
for peace. Antoine Godin,
whose father Thyery Godin was slain by Blackfoot Indians, harbored a
deep-seated, almost pathological hatred of the Blackfoot tribe.
As the two men approached the Blackfoot chief, Godin quickly
plotted to kill the man and steal his blanket and gun, which was done.
The Blackfoot Indians had a long history of conflict with white
traders and trappers and hostilities, once initiated by Godin, quickly
escalated into full blown warfare. An
express was sent back to the rendezvous site, and after a couple of hours
about 200 white trappers and 500 friendly Nez Perce and Flathead Indians
returned to take part in the battle. Nathaniel
Wyeth’s party of 12 Yankees part of the original party of 40 or so
men. Wyeth’s men declined to
participate in hostilities being as they felt that this was not part of
their affair, although they were active in treating the wounded and
watching the horses at the rear.
The
following three descriptions of the Battle of Pierre’s Hole are from
eyewitnesses to the battle. William
Ferris didn't participate in the battle, but visited the scene about nine
months later.
The
following description of the Battle of Pierre’s Hole is from the Narrative
of the Adventures of Zenas Leonard: Written
by Himself. Leonard was a
member of Gant and Blackwell’s party that had come west the year before.
After enduring incredible hardships, some of Gant and Blackwell’s
men came to be loosely associated with Fitzpatrick and accompanied him to
the Rendezvous of 1832. Leonard
has provided us with the most detailed and apparently complete description
of the action that day:
“August
25th. Every thing necessary for our expedition being ready this morning,
we started in a southern direction, but did not go far until we encamped
for the night - thinking that if we had neglected any thing which we would
stand in need of, we would thus discover it. The
next morning finding all things in order, we continued travelling down
what is called Pieres hole, or valley. This
valley is situated on the river of the same name, and is from 70 to 80
miles in length, with a high mountain on the east and west - each so high
that it is impossible to pass over them, and is from eight to ten miles
wide. The river runs
immediately through the centre, with a beautiful grove of timber along
either bank; from this timber to the mountain, a distance of four or five
miles, there is nothing but a smooth plain. This
meadow or prairie is so perfectly level that a person may look up or down
as far as the eye will reach without meeting any thing to obstruct the
sight, until the earth and sky appear to meet. After
travelling a few miles this morning, some of the men, in taking a view of
the country before us, discovered something like people upon horses, who
appeared to be coming towards us. After
continuing in the same direction for some time we came in view with the
naked eye, when we halted. They
advanced towards us displaying a British flag. This
we could not comprehend; but on coming closer discovered them to be
hostile Indians. We
immediately despatched a messenger back to the rendezvous for
reinforcements and prepared ourselves for defence. The
Indians commenced building a fort in the timber on the bank of the river;
but at the time we were not aware of what they were doing. After
waiting here a few hours we were reinforced by 200 whites, 200 Flatheads,
and 300 Nez Perces Indians. The
Indians with the British flag, on seeing such a number of people galloping
down the plain at full speed, immediately retreated within their fort,
whither they were hotly pursued. The
friendly indians soon discovered them to belong to the Blackfeet tribe,
who are decidedly the most numerous and warlike tribe in the mountains,
and for this reason are not disposed to have any friendly intercourse with
any other nation of an inferior number, unless they are good warriors and
well armed with guns, &c. We
thought we could rush right on them and drive them out of the brush into
the plain and have a decisive battle at once. We
advanced with all possible speed, and a full determination of success,
until we discovered their fort by receiving a most destructive fire from
the enclosure. This throwed
our ranks into complete confusion, & we all retreated into the plain,
with the loss of 5 whites, 8 Flatheads and 10 Nez Perces Indians killed,
besides a large number of whites and Indians wounded. The
formation of their fort astonished all hands. We
had been within a few hundred yards of them all day and did not discover
that they were building it. It
was large enough to contain 500 warriors; and built strong enough to
resist almost any attempt we might make to force it. After
dressing the wounded, and having reconnoitered their fort, our forces were
divided into several detachments, and sent in different directions with
the intention of surrounding the fort and making them prisoners. This
was done under the superintendance of Fitzpatrick, who acted as
commander-in-chief.
In
a case of this kind any man not evincing the greatest degree of courage,
and every symptom of bravery, is treated as a coward; and the person who
advances first, furthest and fastest, and makes the greatest display of
animal courage, soon rises in the estimation of his companions. Accordingly
with the hope of gaining a little glory while an opportunity offered,
though not for any electioneering purpose, as a politician in the States
would do - I started into the brush, in company with two acquaintances
(Smith and Kean) and two Indians. We
made a circuitous route and came towards the fort from a direction which
we thought we would be least expected. We
advanced closer and closer, crawling upon our hands and knees, with the
intention of giving them a select shot; and when within about forty yards
of their breast work, one of our Indians was shot dead. At
this we all lay still for some time, but Smith's foot happening to shake
the weeds as he was laying on his belly, was shot through. I
advanced a little further, but finding the balls to pass too quick and
close, concluded to retreat. When
I turned, I found that my companions had deserted me. In
passing by, Smith asked me to carry him out, which met my approbation
precisely, for I was glad to get out of this unpleasant situation under
any pretext - provided my reputation for courage would not be questioned. After
getting him on my back, still crawling on my hands and knees, I came
across Kean, lying near where the first Indian fell, who was also mortally
wounded and died soon after. I
carried Smith to a place of safety and then returned to the siege. A
continual fire was kept up, doing more or less execution on both sides
until late in the afternoon, when we advanced to close quarters, having
nothing but the thickness of their breast work between us, and having them
completely surrounded on all sides to prevent any escaping. This
position we maintained until sun-set, in the meantime having made
preparations to set fire to the fort, which was built principally of old
dry logs, as soon as night would set in, and stationed men at the point
where we thought they would be most likely to make the first break, for
the purpose of taking them on the wing, in their flight. Having
made all these preparations, which were to put an end to all further
molestation on the part of the Blackfeet, our whole scheme and
contemplated victory was frustrated by a most ingenious and well executed
device of the enemy. A few
minutes before the torch was to be applied, our captives commenced the
most tremendous yells and shouts of triumph, and menaces of defiance,
which seemed to move heaven and earth. Quick
as thought a report spread through all quarters, that the plain was
covered with Blackfeet Indians coming to reinforce the besieged. So
complete was the consternation in our ranks, created by this stratagem,
that in five minutes afterwards, there was not a single white man,
Flathead or Nez Perces Indian within a hundred yards of the fort. Every
man thought only of his own security, and run for life without ever
looking round, which would at once have convinced him of his folly. In
a short time it was ascertained that it was only a stratagem, and our men
began to collect together where our baggage was. I
never shall forget the scene here exhibited. The
rage of some was unbounded, and approached to madness. For
my own part, although I felt much regret at the result after so much toil
and danger, yet I could not but give the savages credit for the skill they
displayed in preserving their lives, at the very moment when desperation,
as we thought, had seized the mind of each of them.
By
the time we were made sensible of the full extent of our needless alarm,
it had began to get dark; and on ascertaining the extent of the injury
which we received, (having lost 32 killed, principally Indians,) it was
determined not to again attempt to surround the fort, which was a sore
disappointment to some of the men who were keen for chastising the Indians
for their trick. We then took
up our march for the rendezvous; but on starting one of our party of 15
men, who had first started out the day before, could not be found. Search
was made, and he was found in the brush, severely wounded. After
carrying him on a litter a few miles he died and was buried in the Indian
style: - which is by digging a hole in the ground, wrapping a blanket or
skin round the body, placing it in the hole, and covering it with poles
and earth. This is the manner
of interring the dead in this country both by the Indians and whites,
except in the winter season on account of the ground being frozen, when
the Indians are in the habit of wrapping their dead in buffaloe robes, and
laying them on poles from one tree to another, on which poles the corpse
is tied with cords. The next
morning we raised another war party and went back to the battle ground,
but no Indians could be found. They
must have left the fort in great haste for we found 42 head of horses,
together with Fitzpatrick's which they had taken on the mountain, two
warriors and one squaw lying dead inside of their fort, besides a large
quantity of their baggage, such as furs, skins, &c. There
must have been a great number of them, from the holes they had dug in the
ground around their dead horses and the edges of the fort, say from three
to four hundred. I learned
afterwards that the Nez Perces Indians shortly after found seven more dead
Blackfeet, in some brush close by, where they had been secreted to save
their scalps, which is the principal object with these Indians, in order
to have their women dance. In
the afternoon we returned to the rendezvous and presented Mr. Fitzpatrick
with his long-lost and highly valued horse, which seemed to compensate for
all the sufferings and hardships which he had encountered.”

Nathaniel
Wyeth offers this description of the Battle of Pierre’s Hole as
taken from Journal of Captain Nathaniel J. Wyeth's Expeditions to the Oregon
Country: First Expedition - 1832 (Reference
Link). Wyeth had been very successful in business in the East and his
purpose in traveling to the West was to assess business opportunities.
At this time Wyeth a party of twelve other Yankee New Englanders
had traveled to the 1832 Rendezvous and
were now accompanying a brigade under the leadership of Milton Sublette
and Henry Fraeb.
“On
the 18th we did not leave camp when near starting we observed 2 partys of
Indians coming out of the pass about 200 in number with but few horses
after securing our camp our riders went out to meet them and soon found
them to be Blackfeet a little skirmish ensued one of the Blackfeet was
killed and his Blankett and robe brought into camp on this the Indians
made for the timber the women and children were seen flying to the
mountains at this time only 42 men being the party of Mess Milton
Sublette & Frapp mine and a few Independent Hunters were in sight
and the Indians were disposed to give us their usual treatment when they
meet us in small bodies but while the Indians we[re] making their
preparations we sent an express to camp which soon brought out a smart
force of Nez Perces Flatheads and whites the Indians finding they were
caught fortified themselves in a masterly manner in the wood. We attacked
them and continued the attack all day there were probably about 20 of them
killed and 32 horses were found dead They decamped during the night
leaving most of their utensials lodges &c and many of the dead we have
lost 3 whites killed 8 badly wounded among which is Mr Wm. Sublette who
was extremely active in the battle about 10 of the Indians were killed or
mortally wounded of the Nez Perces and Flatheads in the morning we visited
their deserted fort they had dug into the ground to reach water and to
secure themselves from our shot It was a sickening scene of confusion and
Blood[s]head one of our men who was killed inside their fort we
found mutilated in a shocking manner on the 19th we removed back to our
former ground to be near our whole force and to recruit the wounded and
bury the dead. We think that 400 lodges or about 600 warriors of the
Blackfeet are on the other side of the pass and if they come they must be
met with our whole force in which case the contest will be a doubtful one.
We have mad[e] Horse pens and secured our camp in as good a manner
as we can and wait the result this affair will detain us some days. On
24th we again moved out of the valley in the same direction as at first
viz about S.E. and encamped at night in the gorge of it during the march I
visited the scene of our conflict for the first time since the battle the
din of arms was now changed into the noise of the vulture and the howling
of masterless dogs the stench was extreme most of the men in the fort must
have perished I soon retired from this scene of disgusting butchery”
John Ball was member of Nathaniel Wyeth's
1832 expedition to the
Rockies
and the
Pacific Northwest
. Ball provides an account of the Battle of Pierre’s Hole in:
The Autobiography of John Ball - Across the Plains to Oregon,
1832.
“Mr.
Sublette had come out with arms, ammunition, traps, etc., for his business
and new men to take the places of those whose term of service had expired,
so there was much fixing up to sort out the parties for the different
purposes. And our party of
trappers under Mr. Frapp one afternoon left the main camp and went out
some seven or eight miles and encamped on a prairie near some timber on a
little creek, as usually there is timber on the streams and mountainsides.
We
had a quiet night but in the morning, as we were about to commence our
day's march, Indians were seen in line of march on horseback off across
the prairie, say some two miles. And
the trappers at once decided they must see who they were. So
Frapp told Antoine, the half-breed, to take a good horse and have an
Indian of the party go with him and go out and see who they were. As
Antoine approached them he saw they were Blackfeet, and their chief left
his party and came out in a friendly way to meet him. But
his father having been killed by the Blackfeet, he was going to have his
revenge.
So he
said to his companion, "I will appear to be friendly when we meet,
but you watch your chance and shoot him." His plan was carried out. He
was shot down. Antoine caught
his robe, a square of blue and scarlet cloth, and turned and the Blackfeet
fired after him, when they saw his treachery. He
escaped and came into our camp, said they were Blackfeet, and that he had
killed their chief and there was his robe in evidence.
"All
right" they said, "they would play friendly now but at night
attack our camp." But we
twelve [Wyeth's Yankees] could not appreciate the reasoning. But
here we were in the company that thus decided. But
as we watched to see what they would next do they seemed at first to break
up and scatter, but soon we saw that a large band, the warriors, seemed
coming directly towards us to make fight. So
we immediately tied our horses to bushes near and put up our saddles as a
kind of breastwork but before they reached us, they turned off into some
timber on a stream, built a kind of fort of logs, bushes, their saddles
and blankets, as a shade if we attacked them, and took their horses into
the fort with them.
The
moment that Antoine gave the information that they were Blackfeet, an
express flew off back to the old camp to tell we had met the enemy, and in
the time, it seemed to me, that race horses could have hardly gone over
the ground, some of Sublette's men and the friendly Indians came rushing
into our camp inquiring where were the Blackfeet. And
on soon finding where they had fortified themselves, each white or Indian,
as he felt that his gun was right, and all things ready for his part,
would start off. And so they
went helter skelter, each on his own hook to fight the common enemy. For
the friendly Indians had their own wrongs to avenge. As
they thus almost singly approached their brush and saddle fort, they could
only see the defences whereas, they, the Blackfeet, could see everyone who
approached them. They soon
shot down some of the trappers and Flatheads, for the timber was not large
enough to shelter a man. And
soon wounded men were brought back to our camp.
We
twelve Yankees felt that we had no men to spare to be killed or wounded
that we were not called upon to go out of the way to find danger, but had
they attacked our camp, we should have taken our full part, to save
ourselves and horses. But we
readily assisted in taking care of the wounded and in other ways aid, as
far as we felt belonged to us. They
kept up a firing at them at a safer distance, but did not rout them. Six
trappers and as many friendly Indians were killed or mortally wounded. And
as night approached it was determined to retreat. And
the whites took a wounded man on a horse, others riding each side to hold
him up. The Indians fixed long
fills to a horse letting the ends draw on the smooth ground and fixed onto
them a kind of hurdle, onto which they laid the wounded and drew them off
easily over the smooth prairie. A
better way than ours.
When night came on we encamped
in the best manner of defence we could, and the next day expecting surely
an attack from them, built a high fence and strong pen for our horses in
such case, and a guard on the open prairie to run them in if attacked, and
then awaited the result. Their
fort was finally visited and a number of dead horses found. But
of course they had secreted any men they lost from scalping. We
did not go back so far as the old camp.
The man who died in our camp we
buried in the horse pen where the ground was so trodden that the enemy
could not find the body to scalp it. Another
badly wounded was sent to Sublette s camp on a bier suspended between two
horses, one ahead of the other. And
when we found that the enemy was not near, after a few days, we took up
our line of march as originally intended. “
Warren
Ferris, although not a participant in the Battle of Pierre’s Hole,
was in the area and visited the battle ground on
May 25th, 1833
, about nine months after the event. Here
are Ferris’ observations as recorded in Life
in the
Rocky
Mountains: A Diary of Wanderings on the sources of the Rivers
Missouri,
Columbia, and
Colorado
from February, 1830, to November, 1835 (Reference
Link):
“On the
succeeding morning, in company with a friend or two, I visited the battle
ground which was situate in a grove of aspen trees, several hundred yards
in extent. The pen or fort was probably about fifty feet square, was
composed of green and dry aspen timber, and though hastily, yet firmly
constructed. It had sunk down in some places, however, from decay,
below the height of two feet perpendicular. The beseiged had
excavated holes or cavities in the earth, within the pen, sufficiently
capacious for two or three persons to remain in, quite below the surface
of the ground. These holes extended entirely round the pen; and we
ascertained that the Indians had fired, in most cases, from small holes at
the surface of the ground, beneath the pen or breast work, which
circumstance (happily for them) was not observed in the smoke and
confusion of the battle, or they would have been annihilated in a few
moments. The attack was principally made on the north side, where at
every tree, sticks were still seen piled up against the roots, from which
the beseigers fought; who had likewise raised a heap of brush and logs, a
few paces from the pen or fort, to nearly or quite the same height; and
had the Indian allies not objected, in the hope of capturing their arms,
ammunition and other equipments, it would have soon been so greatly
increased and advanced toward the pen, as to have insured its destruction,
if fired, with all its contents and defenders. Parties were also
stationed behind trees, and clusters of willows on the other sides of the
fort, which was thus entirely surrounded. The trees both within and
outside of the pen, were covered with the marks of balls, or of the axes
successfully employed by our comrades, to exhume and save them; lead being
very valuable in these remote regions, where it is so extremely necessary,
both to the purposes of defence and subsistence. Bones, of both men
and animals, lay scattered about, in and around the pen, bearing evident
indications of having contributed their fleshy covering, to the sustenance
of wolves and ravens; who undoubtedly gratified their gastronomical
propensities, after a protracted fast, for some days subsequent to the
conflict.”

Robert
Campbell was writing a letter, dated
July 18, 1832,
to his brother from the 1832 Rendezvous
when interrupted by the battle:
"19th
July. - I was yesterday interrupted in describing our route, by the cry of
"Black Feet ! " - Instantly I threw down my pen, and hastily
preparing for a conflict with those savages, I proceeded in the direction
pointed out by the express, in company with my friend S. - In Indian
warfare, we do not
marshall
our forces; nor approach the scene of conflict in any regular order. Each
person goes "on his own hook," if I may be allowed the
expression; and in this way our party, with the exception of a few left in
charge of the camp, proceeded down the ravine at full gallop. Mr. S. and
I, without being aware of the cause or nature of the approaching contest,
felt convinced we were about entering on a perilous engagement, in which
one, or both of us might fall. We therefore briefly directed each other as
to the disposition of our property, or in other words, made our wills,
appointing each other sole executor. So far as I have known, (and I have
known too many instances,) the utmost respect is paid to the disposal of
property in this manner, amongst the hunters; - and I question whether the
dying wishes of your fellow citizens, - guarded as they are, by salutary
laws, - are better, or more correctly fulfilled, than amongst our mountain
traders.
On reaching the party that gave
the alarm, we found them debating on the propriety of attacking the enemy,
who were strongly fortified in a willow swamp about a mile distant. The
information derived from our friends, was given in a few sentences; for at
such times "our words are few and full of meaning." No one waits
to answer questions, and he who has not a quick ear and ready
comprehension, must go to the battle without news. We learned that a small
party leaving our encampment on the day previous, had suddenly encountered
a band of Black Feet warriors - and, that coming to a halt, a parley
ensued; our friends sending two half bred Indians to meet the chief of the
Black Feet, who rode out in advance. A few signs (for their languages were
unknown to each other) soon satisfied the parties of the irreconcilable
enmity existing; an enmity that originated on the part of the Black Feet,
with the first visit of Lewis and Clarke to this region and continues,
unabated to the present day. This interview took place in sight of both
whites and Indians. On a signal given, the latter immediately retired to
the swamp where they constructed a fortification of logs, hanging their
lodge skins around - by way of masked battery - to conceal their position
more effectually. Their number was estimated at 250 warriors.
Our force consisted of from 40
to 50 whites - a few half breeds - and two small bands of friendly
Indians, from the Pierced Nose and Flat Head tribes. Mr. S. [William
Sublette]- (brave as a lion) addressed a few words to the whites,
telling them that the enemy was near, and that if at the commencement of
the season we did not show a bold front, our prospects in the mountains
would he blasted. He concluded his brief but energetic address, by
remarking "and now boys, here are the Black Feet who have killed so
many of your companions; - who have probably been prowling around us for
several days, waiting a favorable chance of attacking us, when they
believed us unprepared; - and who are at this moment daring the palefaces
to the onset. Some of us may fall; but we die in a good cause; for whose
life or property will be secure if the foe be encouraged by refusing their
challenge?" Addressing my old friends the Flat Heads, I told them our
determination to assail their enemies, in their strong hold, and that we
knew we should have their assistance. Then raising the war whoop, Mr. S.
and myself, with about twenty others, dashed off at full speed towards the
willows. Drum, fife and trumpet, are as nothing when compared with the
effect of the war whoop. The yell, the action, and their effect, perhaps,
in banishing reflection for the time being, prepare us better for entering
into battle than all the "pomp and circumstance" of the best
martial music. On reaching the willows we fastened our horses in a
thicket, a short distance above where the Black Feet were fortified. Our
little party was then formed in two divisions; one under Mr. M. S. [Milton
Sublette] approached along the creek; while Mr. S. his brother A.
four other Americans and myself, kept towards where we knew the Indians
were waiting for us. We were soon within a few steps of their rude but
formidable breastwork - and here "the boldest held his breath for a
time." We approached according to the usage in Indian warfare, on our
hands and knees; and while in this attitude Mr. S. and myself a little in
advance, - a shot from behind the breastwork mortally wounded a brave
fellow named St. Clair [Alexander
Sinclair], who was within two feet of me. Poor fellow! he had a
brother in our company, to whom he was greatly attached, and feeling death
approach rapidly, he called to us. "I am shot! - oh God - take me to
my brother." These were his last words - and we gave immediate
directions that they should be obeyed. A few steps further and another of
our men, named Phelps, was wounded in the thigh. One of the men was
directed to carry him off, and we were thus left within 10 or 15 steps of
the fort with only a party of four effective men, opposed to hundreds!
Perhaps you will call it madness
to continue an attack under such circumstances; but you must remember that
on entering the thicket we expected our example would be followed by more
of our men and by the friendly Indians. Even should our course deserve the
name of rashness, a retreat would be attended with greater danger than
maintaining our ground; for by crawling cautiously along we more
effectually avoided the bullets which were now "hailing" around
us, than by exposing our backs to an Indian's aim. We continued to keep up
a steady fire, never rising higher than our knee to take aim, and never
losing a shot by firing without an object. While thus engaged on one
occasion, with my left heel touching the right knee, and taking deliberate
aim at a rascal who was peeping out between the lodge skins, a bullet
whistled by so near my leg, as to induce the belief that I was wounded. I
soon found it was a false alarm, and am since then grateful that my legs
are not larger; -for it requires a centre shot to hit there. In the mean
time another brave fellow, quickly, received a bullet in his head - gave
one spring from where he stood, leaning against Mr. S. and me and fell
down a corpse! Either the same ball, or one fired at the same time, struck
Mr. S. on the left arm, fracturing the bone, and passing out under the
shoulder blade. He remarked that he was wounded, and continued the attack
for a short time, but the loss of blood, and thirst which succeeded,
obliged him to call on me for assistance.
By this time the Pierced Nose
and Flat Head Indians began to join us, and the fire on the Fort became
more formidable and deadly. I assisted Mr. S. from the scene to the creek,
where I probed the wound, and dressed it as well as the means within reach
admitted of. We then made a litter and carried him back to the encampment,
where I am happy to say he seems to be recovering.
To return, however, to the field
of battle; our men, and the friendly Indians continued the assault from
the time we left (late in the afternoon) until dark, without being able to
enter the fortress. The Black Feet defended their position (which was well
chosen) with obstinate bravery. During the night our men drew off, and
took such stations around the spot as to detect the enemy in case of an
attempt to escape. Notwithstanding all their precautions, the Black Feet
effected a retreat, so quietly that it was not discovered until this
morning. I have just returned from the battle field; - the sight was
distressing; - two of our brave men were killed - two more are I fear
mortally - and four seriously wounded. Of the friendly Indians I saw the
bodies of five braves who -
"Could
lightly wheel the bright claymore, And send the whistling arrow far:"
- dressed and
painted for burial; and then laid in one grave. Two or three others I am
told have died since morning.
The loss of the enemy I am
unable to ascertain. You are aware that it is their custom to carry off
the slain, when in their power. We found on examination that we had killed
of their horses, which were within the enclosure and conjectured from
their trail that there was an equal number in killed and wounded amongst
their warriors.

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